Introduction Voting is an iconic embodiment in American civic life. Other than standing for public office, American citizens have no stronger collective civic obligations than those that flow from their ability and responsibility to help shape community policy. The vote is a primary vehicle for exercising those civic responsibilities.
West Des Moines, Iowa, Jan. Perverse as it may seem for the belligerent real estate magnate to channel even apocryphal Gandhi wisdom, the line is apt. Eventually, Republicans began to fight him, terrified of his traction with voters.
On the eve of another critical Tuesday slate of votes, Trump is on the verge of an even greater victory. Polls show him in command both in the smaller states that will award their delegates proportionally, and in the larger, winner-take-all prizes of Ohio and Florida.
How is Trump—who has been described as a proto-fascistif not an outright fascist —just a few steps away from leading the Grand Old Party?
For some on the left, Trump is the result of decades of divisive politics—the inevitable outcome of a Republican political strategy that stoked white racial resentment to win elections.
For some on the right, Trump is the grassroots response to Republican elites who have abandoned their working-class voters to the whims of laissez-faire capitalism.
GOP elites have failed to offer solutions to struggling working-class whites, who have suffered keenly from the collapse of the industrial economy.
Advertisement But none of these theories answer the question why now. Each of these forces has been in play for years.
Wages for working-class Americans have long been stagnantand the collapse of job opportunities for workers without a college degree was apparent in the slong before the Great Recession. Millions of Americans—blacks and Latinos in particular—have faced declining economic prospects and social disintegration for years without turning to a demagogue like Trump.
Not only does he lead a movement of almost exclusively disaffected whites, but he wins his strongest support in states and counties with the greatest amounts of racial polarization. Among white voters, higher levels of racial resentment have been shown to be associated with greater support for Trump.
What caused this fire to burn out of control? The answer, I think, is Barack Obama. But in most respects, Obama is a conventional politician—well within the center-left of the Democratic Party.
And he did so with heavy support from minorities: For liberal observers, this heralded a new, rising electorate, and—in theory—a durable majority. Bush, and Ronald Reagan—would no longer matter. These behaviors, in turn, function to reinstate white racial equilibrium.
You can read the rise of Obama and the projected future of a majority nonwhite America as a racial stress that produced a reaction from a number of white Americans—and forced them into a defensive crouch.
You can see the maneuvering DiAngelo describes in the persistent belief that Obama is a Muslim—as recently as last fall, 29 percent of Americans held this viewagainst all evidence. You can draw a direct line to the rise of Trump from the racial hysteria of talk radio. The anxieties DiAngelo describes, and the fears cataloged by the American Values Survey, have real political impact.
The results were clear. For example, during a Marco Rubio rally before the New Hampshire primary in February, I spoke to a voter who, in her way, gave voice to this hyperawareness. I was accepting of everyone, and I hate that he brought that. In the early 20th century, massive Southern and Eastern European immigration, as well as Chinese immigration in the American West, fueled nativism and white racism, and helped lead to the resurrection of the Ku Klux Klan.
The revived Klan organized millions of white Americans in a movement against immigrants, blacks, and religious minorities like Catholics. This, along with a broader nativist movement, had an enormous impact on American politics—entire states, like Indiana, were controlled by Klan-backed politicians while national lawmakers passed harsh, restrictive immigration laws.
Our current burst of nativism and racial anxiety is proving to be a similarly potent force. Trump may have started this campaign by denigrating Latinos and Muslimsbut his first appearance in the Obama era was in the context of anti-black racism. Even now, his supporters believe Obama is illegitimate —62 percent say he is a Muslim, and 61 percent that he was born in another country.
I spoke to a voter who echoed this sort of othering anti-Obama rhetoric in Las Vegas, at a Trump event the day before the Nevada caucuses. He bows down to every other country. Advertisement More recently, anti-black racism has returned to the fore, with behavior that attracts those who would like to see the old racial hierarchy restored.
He shares racist memes on Twitter and has built a symbiotic relationship with white nationalists, refusing a chance to repudiate former Klan leader David Duke during one interview and offering his son for an interview with a white-nationalist radio host.
And in recent weeks, Trump supporters have attacked black protesters at his rallies."In the classroom, I experienced a lot of culture shock by how the students interact [with each other] and how they interact with [me, as] the teacher. American kids are very active in the classroom.
They even say things before they raise their hand. Students eat in [my] classroom, which is forbidden in China. MAIN STREET WILL NEVER be the same if the flood of “legal” immigrants from Third World Nations is not brought to a definitive halt.
In a Presidential Memorandum to the US State Department dated 8 October , Obama announced that he will import an additional 80, immigrants — mostly from.
The economic effect of an all-island economy April This report considers the potential economic impact of Irish reunification, with particular consideration given to the likely effects of Brexit. the "culture shock" of between-society culture contact, that is, the psychology of the traveller or sojourner who ventures across cultures.
Other articles in this series deal with immigrant and refugee experiences, or the psychology of acculturation that characterises within-society culture contact. CULTURE SHOCK SHOULD NOT BE CONFUSED WITH DEPRESSION.
Hundreds of immigrants are unnecessarily prescribed antidepressant medications. These medications are chemicals and they have many side effects, including possible suicidal thoughts in young adults.
Mar 13, · It’s not just anger over jobs and immigration. White voters hope Trump will restore the racial hierarchy upended by Barack Obama.
BibMe Free Bibliography & Citation Maker - MLA, APA, Chicago, Harvard. Introduction. Voting is an iconic embodiment in American civic life. Other than standing for public office, American citizens have no stronger collective civic obligations than those that flow from their ability and responsibility to help shape community policy. Bermuda Employment conditions for newcomers Employers will welcome you, but there are strict Government restrictions for non-citizens on this 21 square mile island.